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| boss tweed us history: Boss Tweed Kenneth D. Ackerman, 2005-01-01 A lively account of the life of a New York legend traces the rise of Boss Tweed, the corrupt party boss who controlled New York politics through a combination of corruption, bribery, and coercion until his own over-reaching destroyed him. |
| boss tweed us history: Boss Tweed's New York Seymour J. Mandelbaum, 1965 Amidst the turbulent political and social conditions of a metropolis in the making, Boss Tweed was, according to Mr. Mandelbaum, the right man at the right time -- a master communicator who united the elements in a divided society. This is a cogent case study in the democratization of American society. With a new preface by the author. |
| boss tweed us history: Machine Made: Tammany Hall and the Creation of Modern American Politics Terry Golway, 2014-03-03 “Golway’s revisionist take is a useful reminder of the unmatched ingenuity of American politics.”—Wall Street Journal History casts Tammany Hall as shorthand for the worst of urban politics: graft and patronage personified by notoriously crooked characters. In his groundbreaking work Machine Made, journalist and historian Terry Golway dismantles these stereotypes, focusing on the many benefits of machine politics for marginalized immigrants. As thousands sought refuge from Ireland’s potato famine, the very question of who would be included under the protection of American democracy was at stake. Tammany’s transactional politics were at the heart of crucial social reforms—such as child labor laws, workers’ compensation, and minimum wages— and Golway demonstrates that American political history cannot be understood without Tammany’s profound contribution. Culminating in FDR’s New Deal, Machine Made reveals how Tammany Hall “changed the role of government—for the better to millions of disenfranchised recent American arrivals” (New York Observer). |
| boss tweed us history: "Boss" Tweed Denis Tilden Lynch, 1927 No political scandal in American history has had a greater impact on America's political consciousness than the rise and fall of the Tweed Ring in New York City between 1866 and 1871. In an age ripe with scandal both public and private, the spectacular corruption charged to Boss Tweed and his associates-estimates of their extortion range from $20 million to $200 million-became an enduring symbol of the dark side of democratic politics. The Tweed Ring contributed much more than cartoonist impressions; it helped to shape a powerful theory of political reform. It was in truth one of the formative events of progressivism, that multifaceted doctrine that has evolved into the modern American creed. In this sense, the Tweed Ring was to produce not only deep misgivings about the existing regime, but an insight into how it should be reformed. Denis Tilden Lynch's biography of Boss Tweed was first published in 1927, in a time filled, like Tweed's, with sudden prosperity, daunting problems, and spectacular scandals. It is a straight-forward, workmanlike study, untroubled by the conceits of modern historical scholarship, and close enough to its subject's generation to have some of the immediacy of journalism. Of all the books published about the Tweed affair, Lynch's study is the only one that is a genuine biography, in which the man himself is the focus. For this reason it conveys something of the texture of daily life in New York in the nineteenth century, while bringing Tweed out from behind the shadows of Thomas Nast's leering cartoons, and presenting him, as much as is possible, as a man and not an icon. An interesting example of Americana, this volume will be of interest to historians of the period as well as those interested in American urban and political life. |
| boss tweed us history: Boss Tweed's New York Seymour J. Mandelbaum, 1965 |
| boss tweed us history: Tweed's New York Leo Hershkowitz, 1978 Professor Leo Hershkowitz (History Department, Queens College - CUNY) does away with all of the rumor, mirrors and smoke about Boss Tweed with his fantastic research and easy-to-read text. Any student of New York City history must have this book in their collection. |
| boss tweed us history: Doomed by Cartoon John Adler, Draper Hill, 2008-08-01 This volume is a collection of political cartoons by Thomas Nast that brought Boss Tweed to justice. The legendary Boss Tweed effectively controlled New York City from after the Civil War until his downfall in November 1871. A huge man, he and his Ring of Thieves appeared to be invincible as they stole an estimated $2 billion in today's dollars. In addition to the New York City and state governments, the Tweed Ring controlled the press except for Harper's Weekly. Short and slight Thomas Nast was the most dominant American political cartoonist of all time; using his pen as his sling in Harper's Weekly, he attacked Tweed almost single-handily, before The New-York Times joined the battle in 1870. The author focuses on the circumstances and events as Thomas Nast visualized them in his 160-plus cartoons, almost like a serialized but intermittent comic book covering 1866 through 1878. |
| boss tweed us history: Thomas Nast Fiona Deans Halloran, 2013-01-01 Thomas Nast (1840-1902), the founding father of American political cartooning, is perhaps best known for his cartoons portraying political parties as the Democratic donkey and the Republican elephant. Nast's legacy also includes a trove of other political cartoons, his successful attack on the machine politics of Tammany Hall in 1871, and his wildly popular illustrations of Santa Claus for Harper's Weekly magazine. In this thoroughgoing and lively biography, Fiona Deans Halloran interprets his work, explores his motivations and ideals, and illuminates the lasting legacy of Nast's work on American political culture-- |
| boss tweed us history: The Gilded Age Mark Twain, Charles Dudley Warner, 1904 |
| boss tweed us history: A Republic No More Jay Cost, 2016-07-12 After the Constitutional Convention, Benjamin Franklin was asked, “Well, Doctor, what have we got—a Republic or a Monarchy?” Franklin’s response: “A Republic—if you can keep it.” This book argues: we couldn’t keep it. A true republic privileges the common interest above the special interests. To do this, our Constitution established an elaborate system of checks and balances that disperses power among the branches of government, which it places in conflict with one another. The Framers believed that this would keep grasping, covetous factions from acquiring enough power to dominate government. Instead, only the people would rule. Proper institutional design is essential to this system. Each branch must manage responsibly the powers it is granted, as well as rebuke the other branches when they go astray. This is where subsequent generations have run into trouble: we have overloaded our government with more power than it can handle. The Constitution’s checks and balances have broken down because the institutions created in 1787 cannot exercise responsibly the powers of our sprawling, immense twenty-first-century government. The result is the triumph of special interests over the common interest. James Madison called this factionalism. We know it as political corruption. Corruption today is so widespread that our government is not really a republic, but rather a special interest democracy. Everybody may participate, yes, but the contours of public policy depend not so much on the common good, as on the push-and-pull of the various interest groups encamped in Washington, DC. |
| boss tweed us history: Thomas Nast John Chalmers Vinson, 2014 Included in this book are more than 150 examples of Nast's work which, together with the author's commentary, recreate the life and pattern of artistic development of the man who made the political cartoon a respected and powerful journalistic form. |
| boss tweed us history: Plunkitt of Tammany Hall William L. Riordon, 1995-11-01 Plunkitt of Tammany Hall A Series of Very Plain Talks on Very Practical Politics William L. Riordan “Nobody thinks of drawin’ the distinction between honest graft and dishonest graft.” This classic work offers the unblushing, unvarnished wit and wisdom of one of the most fascinating figures ever to play the American political game and win. George Washington Plunkitt rose from impoverished beginnings to become ward boss of the Fifteenth Assembly District in New York, a key player in the powerhouse political team of Tammany Hall, and, not incidentally, a millionaire. In a series of utterly frank talks given at his headquarters (Graziano’s bootblack stand outside the New York County Court House), he revealed to a sharp-eared and sympathetic reporter named William L. Riordan the secrets of political success as practiced and perfected by him and fellow Tammany Hall titans. The result is not only a volume that reveals more about our political system than does a shelfful of civics textbooks, but also an irresistible portrait of a man who would feel happily at home playing ball with today’s lobbyists and king makers, trading votes for political and financial favors. Doing for twentieth-century America what Machiavelli did for Renaissance Italy, and as entertaining as it is instructive, Plunkitt of Tammany Hall is essential reading for those who prefer twenty-twenty vision to rose-colored glasses in viewing how our government works and why. With an Introduction by Peter Quinn and a New Afterword |
| boss tweed us history: King of the Bowery Richard F. Welch, 2011-10-28 King of the Bowery is the first full-length biography of Timothy D. Big Tim Sullivan, the archetypal Tammany Hall leader who dominated New York City politics—and much of its social life—from 1890 to 1913. A poor Irish kid from the Five Points who rose through ambition, shrewdness, and charisma to become the most powerful single politician in New York, Sullivan was quick to perceive and embrace the shifting demographics of downtown New York, recruiting Jewish and Italian newcomers to his largely Irish machine to create one of the nation's first multiethnic political organizations. Though a master of the personal, paternalistic, and corrupt politics of the late nineteenth century, Sullivan paradoxically embraced a variety of progressive causes, especially labor and women's rights, anticipating many of the policies later pursued by his early acquaintances and sometimes antagonists Al Smith and Franklin D. Roosevelt. Drawing extensively on contemporary sources, King of the Bowery offers a rich, readable, and authoritative potrayal of Gotham on the cusp of the modern age, as refracted through the life of a man who exemplified much of it. ... a necessary book for anyone unsatisfied by the usual histories of Irish-American urban political machines. ... The Irish-American boss has rarely been awarded the careful appraisal of the kind that Welch ... gives Sullivan. ... But caveat lector: you don't have to be Irish American or a New Yorker or a Democrat to enjoy this book. All you have to be is interested in a well-told story that is also a first-rate work of history. — Peter Quinn, Commonweal |
| boss tweed us history: Brooklyn's Green-Wood Cemetery Jeffrey I. Richman, 1998-01-01 Published for the 160th anniversary of the cemetery, this book includes stories of some of the people buried there, Civil War generals, murder victims, victims of mass tragedies, inventors, artists, the famous, and the infamous.--Page ix. |
| boss tweed us history: The Evolution of Political Parties, Campaigns, and Elections Randall E. Adkins, 2008-02-14 Primary source materials are a great way for students to experience firsthand a historic event, to more fully understand a pivotal actor or figure, or to explore legislation or a judicial decision. Students leave these readings better prepared to grapple with secondary sources. In fact, they can often support a different interpretation or more critically engage with analysis. This new volume—with 50 documents that include speeches, court cases, letters, diary entries, excerpts from autobiographies, treaties, legislation, regulations and reports, documentary photographs, ad stills, public opinion polls, transcripts, and press releases—is a great starting point for any parties and elections course. Careful editing, pithy headnotes, and discussion questions all enhance this useful reader. |
| boss tweed us history: America's Political Scandals in the Late 1800's Corona Brezina, 2003-12-15 Examines the actions of Boss Tweed, the powerful, influential, and corrupt public works commissioner for New York City from 1863-1871, and of the political organization that he and his associates controlled. |
| boss tweed us history: Demagogue Larry Tye, 2020 A Joe McCarthy chronology -- Coming alive -- Senator who? -- An ism is born -- Bully's pulpit -- Behind closed doors -- The body count -- The enablers -- Too big to bully -- The fall. |
| boss tweed us history: The Tweed Ring Alexander B. Callow, 1972 |
| boss tweed us history: Gotham Edwin G. Burrows, Mike Wallace, 1998-11-19 To European explorers, it was Eden, a paradise of waist-high grasses, towering stands of walnut, maple, chestnut, and oak, and forests that teemed with bears, wolves, raccoons, beavers, otters, and foxes. Today, it is the site of Broadway and Wall Street, the Empire State Building and the Statue of Liberty, and the home of millions of people, who have come from every corner of the nation and the globe. In Gotham, Edwin G. Burrows and Mike Wallace have produced a monumental work of history, one that ranges from the Indian tribes that settled in and around the island of Manna-hata, to the consolidation of the five boroughs into Greater New York in 1898. It is an epic narrative, a story as vast and as varied as the city it chronicles, and it underscores that the history of New York is the story of our nation. Readers will relive the tumultuous early years of New Amsterdam under the Dutch West India Company, Peter Stuyvesant's despotic regime, Indian wars, slave resistance and revolt, the Revolutionary War and the defeat of Washington's army on Brooklyn Heights, the destructive seven years of British occupation, New York as the nation's first capital, the duel between Aaron Burr and Alexander Hamilton, the Erie Canal and the coming of the railroads, the growth of the city as a port and financial center, the infamous draft riots of the Civil War, the great flood of immigrants, the rise of mass entertainment such as vaudeville and Coney Island, the building of the Brooklyn Bridge and the birth of the skyscraper. Here too is a cast of thousands--the rebel Jacob Leisler and the reformer Joanna Bethune; Clement Moore, who saved Greenwich Village from the city's street-grid plan; Herman Melville, who painted disillusioned portraits of city life; and Walt Whitman, who happily celebrated that same life. We meet the rebel Jacob Leisler and the reformer Joanna Bethune; Boss Tweed and his nemesis, cartoonist Thomas Nast; Emma Goldman and Nellie Bly; Jacob Riis and Horace Greeley; police commissioner Theodore Roosevelt; Colonel Waring and his white angels (who revolutionized the sanitation department); millionaires John Jacob Astor, Cornelius Vanderbilt, August Belmont, and William Randolph Hearst; and hundreds more who left their mark on this great city. The events and people who crowd these pages guarantee that this is no mere local history. It is in fact a portrait of the heart and soul of America, and a book that will mesmerize everyone interested in the peaks and valleys of American life as found in the greatest city on earth. Gotham is a dazzling read, a fast-paced, brilliant narrative that carries the reader along as it threads hundreds of stories into one great blockbuster of a book. |
| boss tweed us history: She's the Boss Rochelle Schweizer, 2010-09-23 Why Is Nancy Pelosi the Most Dangerous Woman in America? Most people see Pelosi exactly the way she wants them to: a cultured San Franciscan politician from an esteemed family. But underneath the Chanel suit and Mikimoto pearls is a true political boss-as in T weed. Don't be fooled by her image as a caring, grandmotherly public servant. Nancy Pelosi is all business. She's the Boss charts Pelosi's carefully orchestrated rise to power as a uniquely American ruling-class diva who is not so subtly replacing by the people, for the people with have your people call my people. From her father- a congressman and then mayor of Baltimore whose political machine was tainted by scandal-Pelosi learned about patronage, ruthlessness, and the credo of the party boss: never admit to anything, never apologize, and attack when challenged. As Speaker of the House, Pelosi once pounded her gavel so hard it left a dent in the lectern. She frightens even those who agree with her on almost everything. She punishes those who stand in her way. And her hypocrisy knows no bounds: ? While Pelosi spends millions in taxpayers' dollars to green up the capital and expects Americans to pay for their carbon footprints, she demands a bigger jet for her trips across the globe as well as military G5s for holiday weekends. ? She claims to act for the benefit of the American people, yet enriches her family's portfolio through pet legislation and personal financial dealings. ? She tried to enact taxpayer funding for abortions, defying the teachings of the Catholic Church, of which she is a member. ? With promises of utopia, she drives massive legislation deals through Congress by stiff arm twisting, knowing she and her allies will profit at the expense of the electorate. It will be clear after reading She's the Boss that the party works for Pelosi. |
| boss tweed us history: Five Points Tyler Anbinder, 2012-06-05 The very letters of the two words seem, as they are written, to redden with the blood-stains of unavenged crime. There is Murder in every syllable, and Want, Misery and Pestilence take startling form and crowd upon the imagination as the pen traces the words. So wrote a reporter about Five Points, the most infamous neighborhood in nineteenth-century America, the place where slumming was invented. All but forgotten today, Five Points was once renowned the world over. Its handful of streets in lower Manhattan featured America's most wretched poverty, shared by Irish, Jewish, German, Italian, Chinese, and African Americans. It was the scene of more riots, scams, saloons, brothels, and drunkenness than any other neighborhood in the new world. Yet it was also a font of creative energy, crammed full of cheap theaters and dance halls, prizefighters and machine politicians, and meeting halls for the political clubs that would come to dominate not just the city but an entire era in American politics. From Jacob Riis to Abraham Lincoln, Davy Crockett to Charles Dickens, Five Points both horrified and inspired everyone who saw it. The story that Anbinder tells is the classic tale of America's immigrant past, as successive waves of new arrivals fought for survival in a land that was as exciting as it was dangerous, as riotous as it was culturally rich. Tyler Anbinder offers the first-ever history of this now forgotten neighborhood, drawing on a wealth of research among letters and diaries, newspapers and bank records, police reports and archaeological digs. Beginning with the Irish potato-famine influx in the 1840s, and ending with the rise of Chinatown in the early twentieth century, he weaves unforgettable individual stories into a tapestry of tenements, work crews, leisure pursuits both licit and otherwise, and riots and political brawls that never seemed to let up. Although the intimate stories that fill Anbinder's narrative are heart-wrenching, they are perhaps not so shocking as they first appear. Almost all of us trace our roots to once humble stock. Five Points is, in short, a microcosm of America. |
| boss tweed us history: The Age of Acrimony Jon Grinspan, 2021-04-27 A penetrating, character-filled history “in the manner of David McCullough” (WSJ), revealing the deep roots of our tormented present-day politics. Democracy was broken. Or that was what many Americans believed in the decades after the Civil War. Shaken by economic and technological disruption, they sought safety in aggressive, tribal partisanship. The results were the loudest, closest, most violent elections in U.S. history, driven by vibrant campaigns that drew our highest-ever voter turnouts. At the century's end, reformers finally restrained this wild system, trading away participation for civility in the process. They built a calmer, cleaner democracy, but also a more distant one. Americans' voting rates crashed and never fully recovered. This is the origin story of the “normal” politics of the 20th century. Only by exploring where that civility and restraint came from can we understand what is happening to our democracy today. The Age of Acrimony charts the rise and fall of 19th-century America's unruly politics through the lives of a remarkable father-daughter dynasty. The radical congressman William “Pig Iron” Kelley and his fiery, Progressive daughter Florence Kelley led lives packed with drama, intimately tied to their nation's politics. Through their friendships and feuds, campaigns and crusades, Will and Florie trace the narrative of a democracy in crisis. In telling the tale of what it cost to cool our republic, historian Jon Grinspan reveals our divisive political system's enduring capacity to reinvent itself. |
| boss tweed us history: The Republic for which it Stands Richard White, 2017 The newest volume in the Oxford History of the United States series, The Republic for Which It Stands argues that the Gilded Age, along with Reconstruction--its conflicts, rapid and disorienting change, hopes and fears--formed the template of American modernity. |
| boss tweed us history: Baltimore Matthew A. Crenson, 2019-10-01 How politics and race shaped Baltimore's distinctive disarray of cultures and subcultures. Charm City or Mobtown? People from Baltimore glory in its eccentric charm, small-town character, and North-cum-South culture. But for much of the nineteenth century, violence and disorder plagued the city. More recently, the 2015 death of Freddie Gray in police custody has prompted Baltimoreans—and the entire nation—to focus critically on the rich and tangled narrative of black–white relations in Baltimore, where slavery once existed alongside the largest community of free blacks in the United States. Matthew A. Crenson, a distinguished political scientist and Baltimore native, examines the role of politics and race throughout Baltimore's history. From its founding in 1729 up through the recent past, Crenson follows Baltimore's political evolution from an empty expanse of marsh and hills to a complicated city with distinct ways of doing business. Revealing how residents at large engage (and disengage) with one another across an expansive agenda of issues and conflicts, Crenson shows how politics helped form this complex city's personality. Crenson provocatively argues that Baltimore's many quirks are likely symptoms of urban underdevelopment. The city's longtime domination by the general assembly—and the corresponding weakness of its municipal authority—forced residents to adopt the private and extra-governmental institutions that shaped early Baltimore. On the one hand, Baltimore was resolutely parochial, split by curious political quarrels over issues as minor as loose pigs. On the other, it was keenly attuned to national politics: during the Revolution, for instance, Baltimoreans were known for their comparative radicalism. Crenson describes how, as Baltimore and the nation grew, whites competed with blacks, slave and free, for menial and low-skill work. He also explores how the urban elite thrived by avoiding, wherever possible, questions of slavery versus freedom—just as wealthier Baltimoreans, long after the Civil War and emancipation, preferred to sidestep racial controversy. Peering into the city's 300-odd neighborhoods, this fascinating account holds up a mirror to Baltimore, asking whites in particular to reexamine the past and accept due responsibility for future racial progress. |
| boss tweed us history: The Shame of the Cities Lincoln Steffens, 1957-01-01 |
| boss tweed us history: The Gangs of New York Herbert Asbury, 1928 |
| boss tweed us history: Fraud of the Century Roy Jr. Morris, 2007-11-01 In this major work of popular history and scholarship, acclaimed historian and biographer Roy Morris, Jr, tells the extraordinary story of how, in America’s centennial year, the presidency was stolen, the Civil War was almost reignited, and Black Americans were consigned to nearly ninety years of legalized segregation in the South. The bitter 1876 contest between Ohio Republican governor Rutherford B. Hayes and New York Democratic governor Samuel J. Tilden is the most sensational, ethically sordid, and legally questionable presidential election in American history. The first since Lincoln’s in 1860 in which the Democrats had a real chance of recapturing the White House, the election was in some ways the last battle of the Civil War, as the two parties fought to preserve or overturn what had been decided by armies just eleven years earlier. Riding a wave of popular revulsion at the numerous scandals of the Grant administration and a sluggish economy, Tilden received some 260,000 more votes than his opponent. But contested returns in Florida, Louisiana, and South Carolina ultimately led to Hayes’s being declared the winner by a specially created, Republican-dominated Electoral Commission after four tense months of political intrigue and threats of violence. President Grant took the threats seriously: he ordered armed federal troops into the streets of Washington to keep the peace. Morris brings to life all the colorful personalities and high drama of this most remarkable—and largely forgotten—election. He presents vivid portraits of the bachelor lawyer Tilden, a wealthy New York sophisticate whose passion for clean government propelled him to the very brink of the presidency, and of Hayes, a family man whose Midwestern simplicity masked a cunning political mind. We travel to Philadelphia, where the Centennial Exhibition celebrated America’s industrial might and democratic ideals, and to the nation’s heartland, where Republicans waged a cynical but effective “bloody shirt” campaign to tar the Democrats, once again, as the party of disunion and rebellion. Morris dramatically recreates the suspenseful events of election night, when both candidates went to bed believing Tilden had won, and a one-legged former Union army general, “Devil Dan” Sickles, stumped into Republican headquarters and hastily improvised a devious plan to subvert the election in the three disputed southern states. We watch Hayes outmaneuver the curiously passive Tilden and his supporters in the days following the election, and witness the late-night backroom maneuvering of party leaders in the nation's capital, where democracy itself was ultimately subverted and the will of the people thwarted. Fraud of the Century presents compelling evidence that fraud by Republican vote-counters in the three southern states, and especially in Louisiana, robbed Tilden of the presidency. It is at once a masterful example of political reporting and an absorbing read. |
| boss tweed us history: A Battle for the Soul of New York Warren Sloat, 2002 The history of the expolits of a forgotten American hero, the Rev. Charles H. Parkhurstand his crusade against the crooked New York City Police Department and the political organizaton behind it. |
| boss tweed us history: The American Mayor Melvin G. Holli, 1999 |
| boss tweed us history: The Orange Riots Michael Allen Gordon, 1993 Contending visions -- The Elm Park Riot -- Portents of violence -- Teh Eighth Avenue Riot -- Judgment -- Aftermath -- Killed, injured and arrested in connection with the 1870 riot -- Killed, injured, and arrested in connection with the 1871 riot and a list of property damanges -- Sources of biographical information on selected committee of seventy members. |
| boss tweed us history: The Incorporation of America Alan Trachtenberg, Eric Foner, 1982 Alan Trachtenberg presents a balanced analysis of the expansion of capitalist power in the last third of the nineteenth century and the cultural changes it brought in its wake. In America's westward expansion, labor unrest, newly powerful cities, and newly mechanized industries, the ideals and ideas by which Americans lived were reshaped, and American society became more structured, with an entrenched middle class and a powerful business elite. This is a brilliant, essential work on the origins of America's corporate culture and the formation of the American social fabric after the Civil War. |
| boss tweed us history: New York Exposed Daniel J. Czitrom, 2016 Parkhurst's challenge -- The buttons -- Democratic city, Republican nation -- Anarchy vs. corruption -- A rocky start -- Managing vice, extorting business -- Reform never suffers from frankness -- A landslide, a tidal wave, a cyclone -- Endgames -- Epilogue: the Lexow effect |
| boss tweed us history: Stealing from America Nathan Miller, 1996 Insider trading, pork-barrel projects, and corrupt politicians may all sound contemporary, but, as Nathan Miller shows in this romp through the underbelly of history, larceny and greed crossed the ocean with smallpox, prospered in the New World, and have become the bedrock of American politics. In colonial New York and Charleston, governors extended open hands to pirates that were gladly filled in exchange for a safe haven to unload booty. The Revolutionary War was fought by ill-equipped and hungry soldiers freezing on battlefields like Valley Forge while merchants and speculators sat down to sumptuous 169-dish dinners in Philadelphia, their warehouses full of supplies they sold at 2,000 percent markups. Even George Washington amassed one of the largest fortunes in America through highly dubious land speculation practices. This thievery continued through the nineteenth century with land swindles and railroad giveaways that ripped off both Native Americans and settlers; with the great robber barons, men like Cornelius Vanderbilt who made nine million during the Civil War outfitting completely unseaworthy vessels for huge profits; and with New York's Boss Tweed and his Forty Thieves. Casting his seasoned eye over this century's boondoggles, Nathan Miller uncovers the scams of Harding and the Teapot Dome in the twenties, the New Deal, World War II, and the Cold War. With Iran-Contra, HUD, and the Savings and Loan debacle in tow, the Reagan-Bush legacy follows in grand tradition. It promises to be remembered as one of the greatest eras of free-for-all plunder of the nation's coffers and threatens to put to shame, in terms of dollars pocketed, the money-grabbing greed of its illustrious predecessors. Stealing from America shows that greed, more so than notions of democracy and freedom, has been the fuel on which the engine of American government runs.--BOOK JACKET.Title Summary field provided by Blackwell North America, Inc. All Rights Reserved |
| boss tweed us history: The Teapot Dome Scandal Laton McCartney, 2009-01-13 In this amazing and at times ribald story, Laton McCartney tells how Big Oil handpicked Warren G. Harding, an obscure Ohio senator, to serve as our twenty-third president. Harding and his “oil cabinet” made it possible for cronies to secure vast fuel reserves that had been set aside for use by the U.S. Navy. In exchange, the oilmen paid off senior government officials, bribed newspaper publishers, and covered the GOP campaign debt. When news of the scandal finally emerged, the consequences were disastrous. Drawing on contemporary records newly made available to McCartney, The Teapot Dome Scandal reveals a shocking, revelatory picture of just how far-reaching the affair was, how high the stakes, and how powerful the conspirators–all told in a dazzling narrative style. |
| boss tweed us history: Thomas Nast Lynda Pflueger, 2000 Traces the life of the German immigrant whos artistic talent helped him become a popular and influential political cartoonist. |
| boss tweed us history: American Colossus H. W. Brands, 2011-10-04 From the two-time Pulitzer Prize finalist, bestselling historian, and author of Our First Civil War: a first-rate narrative history (The New York Times) that brilliantly portrays the emergence, in a remarkably short time, of a recognizably modern America. American Colossus captures the decades between the Civil War and the turn of the twentieth century, when a few breathtakingly wealthy businessmen transformed the United States from an agrarian economy to a world power. From the first Pennsylvania oil gushers to the rise of Chicago skyscrapers, this spellbinding narrative shows how men like Morgan, Carnegie, and Rockefeller ushered in a new era of unbridled capitalism. In the end America achieved unimaginable wealth, but not without cost to its traditional democratic values. |
| boss tweed us history: I Catch Killers Gary Jubelin, 2020-08-01 THE #1 TRUE CRIME BESTSELLER. Serial killings, child abductions, organised crime hits and domestic murders. This is the memoir of a homicide detective. WINNER OF 2021 DANGER PRIZE FOR NON-FICTION Here I am: tall and broad, shaved head, had my nose broken three times fighting. Black suit, white shirt, the big city homicide detective. I've led investigations into serial killings, child abductions, organised crime hits and domestic murders. But beneath the suit, I've got an Om symbol in the shape of a Buddha tattooed on my right bicep. It balances the tattoo on my left ribs: Better to die on your feet than live on your knees. That's how I choose to live my life. As a cop, I got paid to catch killers and I learned what doing it can cost you. It cost me marriages and friendships. It cost me my reputation. They tell you not to let a case get personal, but I think it has to. Each one has taken a piece out of me and added a piece, until there's only pieces. I catch killers - it's what I do. It's who I am. Gary Jubelin was one of Australia's most celebrated detectives, leading investigations into the disappearance of preschooler William Tyrrell, the serial killing of three Aboriginal children in Bowraville and the brutal gangland murder of Terry Falconer. During his 34-year career, Detective Chief Inspector Jubelin also ran the crime scene following the Lindt Cafe siege, investigated the death of Caroline Byrne and recovered the body of Matthew Leveson. Jubelin retired from the force in 2019. This is his story. |
| boss tweed us history: Nativism and Slavery Tyler Anbinder, 1992 Although the United States has always portrayed itself as a sanctuary for the world's victim's of poverty and oppression, anti-immigrant movements have enjoyed remarkable success throughout American history. None attained greater prominence than the Order of the Star Spangled Banner, a fraternal order referred to most commonly as the Know Nothing party. Vowing to reduce the political influence of immigrants and Catholics, the Know Nothings burst onto the American political scene in 1854, and by the end of the following year they had elected eight governors, more than one hundred congressmen, and thousands of other local officials including the mayors of Boston, Philadelphia, San Francisco, and Chicago. After their initial successes, the Know Nothings attempted to increase their appeal by converting their network of lodges into a conventional political organization, which they christened the American Party. Recently, historians have pointed to the Know Nothings' success as evidence that ethnic and religious issues mattered more to nineteenth-century voters than better-known national issues such as slavery. In this important book, however, Anbinder argues that the Know Nothings' phenomenal success was inextricably linked to the firm stance their northern members took against the extension of slavery. Most Know Nothings, he asserts, saw slavery and Catholicism as interconnected evils that should be fought in tandem. Although the Know Nothings certainly were bigots, their party provided an early outlet for the anti-slavery sentiment that eventually led to the Civil War. Anbinder's study presents the first comprehensive history of America's most successful anti-immigrant movement, as well as a major reinterpretation of the political crisis that led to the Civil War. |
| boss tweed us history: History of the New York Times, 1851-1921 Elmer Holmes Davis, 1921 History of the New York Times from 1851-1921 |
| boss tweed us history: City of Sedition John Strausbaugh, 2016-08-02 In a single definitive narrative, City of Sedition tells the spellbinding story of the huge-and hugely conflicted-role New York City played in the Civil War. No city was more of a help to Abraham Lincoln and the Union war effort, or more of a hindrance. No city raised more men, money, and materiel for the war, and no city raised more hell against it. It was a city of patriots, war heroes, and abolitionists, but simultaneously a city of antiwar protest, draft resistance, and sedition. Without his New York supporters, it's highly unlikely Lincoln would have made it to the White House. Yet, because of the city's vital and intimate business ties to the Cotton South, the majority of New Yorkers never voted for him and were openly hostile to him and his politics. Throughout the war New York City was a nest of antiwar Copperheads and a haven for deserters and draft dodgers. New Yorkers would react to Lincoln's wartime policies with the deadliest rioting in American history. The city's political leaders would create a bureaucracy solely devoted to helping New Yorkers evade service in Lincoln's army. Rampant war profiteering would create an entirely new class of New York millionaires, the shoddy aristocracy. New York newspapers would be among the most vilely racist and vehemently antiwar in the country. Some editors would call on their readers to revolt and commit treason; a few New Yorkers would answer that call. They would assist Confederate terrorists in an attempt to burn their own city down, and collude with Lincoln's assassin. Here in City of Sedition, a gallery of fascinating New Yorkers comes to life, the likes of Horace Greeley, Walt Whitman, Julia Ward Howe, Boss Tweed, Thomas Nast, Matthew Brady, and Herman Melville. This book follows the fortunes of these figures and chronicles how many New Yorkers seized the opportunities the conflict presented to amass capital, create new industries, and expand their markets, laying the foundation for the city's-and the nation's-growth. WINNER OF THE FLETCHER PRATT AWARD FOR BEST NON-FICTION BOOK |
Boss Tweed Trials: 1873 - Massachusetts Department of …
William Magear Tweed, or Boss Tweed, as he was known, was one of the most famous political criminals U.S. history. The following article describes his rise to power and how he was …
BOSS IN A DOCUMENTARY HISTORY - LexisNexis
William M. Tweed, usually referred to as The Boss," is one of the major caricatures of American history. A good deal has been wrkten about his supposed exploits in looting the New York …
Pictures and Political cartoons about William Magear Boss …
Pictures and Political cartoons about William Magear “Boss” Tweed William Magear Tweed, often erroneously referred to as "William Marcy Tweed", and widely known as "Boss" Tweed, was …
reganhistory.weebly.com
Hall Democratic "machine" and its notorious "boss," William M. Tweed. Born in New York City in 1823 to Irish immigrant parents, Tweed rose to political prominence by serving as alderman, …
'Boss' Tweed: Nativist - JSTOR
Tweed stepped down, it seems likely that the end of his tenure as sachem was merely the result of a normal rotation in office. Although Tweed's involvement with nativism may seem surpris …
Boss Tweed - api.pageplace.de
No political scandal in American history has had a greater impact on America’s political consciousness than the rise and fall of the “Tweed Ring” in New York City between 1866 and …
Boss Tweed Us History - 10anos.cdes.gov.br
Boss Tweed Us History: Boss Tweed Kenneth D. Ackerman,2005-01-01 A lively account of the life of a New York legend traces the rise of Boss Tweed the corrupt party boss who controlled …
Boss Tweed: US History's Most Notorious Corrupt Politician
Ever heard of a political boss so powerful he single-handedly controlled New York City? Meet William Marcy "Boss" Tweed, a name synonymous with corruption, political machines, and the …
“Who stole the people’s money?” – Do tell ‘Twas Him
Directions: Perhaps the most dishonest of all politicians in the “Gilded Age” was William M. Tweed, called “Boss Tweed.” Tweed held various offices in New York City and New York state …
CHAPTER15 AMERICAN LIVES William Marcy “Boss” Tweed …
Nov 9, 2018 · William Marcy Tweed was the most spectacu- lar example of the corrupt boss of the urban political machine of the 1800s. Rising from obscuri-ty to control New York City in a time …
Politics and the Gilded Age - Washington Unified School District
•Boss Tweed and the Tweed Ring in New York City – Used bribery, graft, and fraudulent elections to steal $200 million from city treasury – Used taxes and intimidation to silence protests
CHAPTER15 GUIDED READING Politics in the Gilded Age
various city posts, “Boss” Tweed built his power. In 1861 his candidate defeated a rival for mayor. The campaign cost Tweed $100,000—but he made the money back quickly. Soon thereafter …
Boss Tweed - Mr. Hurst's website
As head of the New York Commission of Public Works, “Boss” Tweed gave contracts to his cronies in return for “kickbacks.” An audit of a city account later disclosed that Tweed’s gang …
“To what extent did the political cartoons of the Gilded Age
cartoon suggests that Boss Tweed was a corrupt politician since he was only interested in money. Examine the remaining political cartoons, and explain how they expose the corruption of the …
Finis for Tweed and Steffens: Rewriting the History of Urban …
"Boss rule" supposedly repre-sented the norm in America's major cities, and dedicated, civic-minded reformers only occasionally and momentarily freed their cities from the grasp of the …
The Emergence of Political Machines - Rancocas Valley …
Feb 15, 2011 · Political cartoonist Thomas Nast ridiculed Boss Tweed and his machine in the pages of Harper's Weekly. Nast's work threatened Tweed, who reporte(i. Iy said, "I don't care …
More Light on Boss Tweed - JSTOR
William Marcy Tweed was born in New York City on April 3, 1823. Learning in rapid succession the trades of chairmaking, saddler, bookkeeping and clerking, and the brush manufacturing …
Thomas Nast: Cartoonist of the Gilded Age - J387: Media History
Nast’s campaign against New York City’s political boss William Magear Tweed is legendary. He devised the Tam-many tiger; popularized the donkey as the symbol for the Democratic Party …
Was Boss Tweed Really Snow White? - JSTOR
From 1869 to his downfall in 1871, Boss Tweed coordi- ipal treasury and attacked the city's problems with a vast public works program. Since Tweed's successors could not hold the city …
Bosses and Machines: Changing Interpretations in American …
The roots of the boss system go far back into our history as a nation, but the full transformation of the machine from a collection of small, disparate groups into a hierarchically structured, …
Boss Tweed Trials: 1873 - Massachusetts Department of …
William Magear Tweed, or Boss Tweed, as he was known, was one of the most famous political criminals U.S. history. The following article describes his rise to power and how he was …
BOSS IN A DOCUMENTARY HISTORY - LexisNexis
William M. Tweed, usually referred to as The Boss," is one of the major caricatures of American history. A good deal has been wrkten about his supposed exploits in looting the New York …
reganhistory.weebly.com
Hall Democratic "machine" and its notorious "boss," William M. Tweed. Born in New York City in 1823 to Irish immigrant parents, Tweed rose to political prominence by serving as alderman, …
CHAPTER15 AMERICAN LIVES William Marcy “Boss” Tweed …
Nov 9, 2018 · William Marcy Tweed was the most spectacu- lar example of the corrupt boss of the urban political machine of the 1800s. Rising from obscuri-ty to control New York City in a time …
'Boss' Tweed: Nativist - JSTOR
Tweed stepped down, it seems likely that the end of his tenure as sachem was merely the result of a normal rotation in office. Although Tweed's involvement with nativism may seem surpris …
Boss Tweed - api.pageplace.de
No political scandal in American history has had a greater impact on America’s political consciousness than the rise and fall of the “Tweed Ring” in New York City between 1866 and …
Boss Tweed - Mr. Hurst's website
As head of the New York Commission of Public Works, “Boss” Tweed gave contracts to his cronies in return for “kickbacks.” An audit of a city account later disclosed that Tweed’s gang …
Boss Tweed Us History - 10anos.cdes.gov.br
Boss Tweed Us History: Boss Tweed Kenneth D. Ackerman,2005-01-01 A lively account of the life of a New York legend traces the rise of Boss Tweed the corrupt party boss who controlled …
Boss Tweed: US History's Most Notorious Corrupt Politician
Ever heard of a political boss so powerful he single-handedly controlled New York City? Meet William Marcy "Boss" Tweed, a name synonymous with corruption, political machines, and the …
Who was Boss Tweed? - mr-johnston-nv.weebly.com
• William Tweed was one of the most notorious political bosses in our history. He gained power with the Democratic party and became the top politician in New York City. • He was elected to …
Politics in the Gilded Age - Mr. Guy's Class
What do you see in the following pictures? How did Boss Tweed gain power? What caused his downfall? Politics during the Gilded Age were known for corruption but would end up bringing …
“To what extent did the political cartoons of the Gilded Age
cartoon suggests that Boss Tweed was a corrupt politician since he was only interested in money. Examine the remaining political cartoons, and explain how they expose the corruption of the …
The Emergence of Political Machines - Rancocas Valley …
Feb 15, 2011 · Political cartoonist Thomas Nast ridiculed Boss Tweed and his machine in the pages of Harper's Weekly. Nast's work threatened Tweed, who reporte(i. Iy said, "I don't care …
“Who stole the people’s money?” – Do tell ‘Twas Him
Directions: Perhaps the most dishonest of all politicians in the “Gilded Age” was William M. Tweed, called “Boss Tweed.” Tweed held various offices in New York City and New York state …
Pictures and Political cartoons about William Magear Boss Tweed
Pictures and Political cartoons about William Magear “Boss” Tweed William Magear Tweed, often erroneously referred to as "William Marcy Tweed", and widely known as "Boss" Tweed, was …
CHAPTER15 GUIDED READING Politics in the Gilded Age
various city posts, “Boss” Tweed built his power. In 1861 his candidate defeated a rival for mayor. The campaign cost Tweed $100,000—but he made the money back quickly. Soon thereafter …
More Light on Boss Tweed - JSTOR
William Marcy Tweed was born in New York City on April 3, 1823. Learning in rapid succession the trades of chairmaking, saddler, bookkeeping and clerking, and the brush manufacturing …
Thomas Nast: Cartoonist of the Gilded Age - J387: Media History
Nast’s campaign against New York City’s political boss William Magear Tweed is legendary. He devised the Tam-many tiger; popularized the donkey as the symbol for the Democratic Party …
Finis for Tweed and Steffens: Rewriting the History of Urban Rule
"Boss rule" supposedly repre-sented the norm in America's major cities, and dedicated, civic-minded reformers only occasionally and momentarily freed their cities from the grasp of the …
Was Boss Tweed Really Snow White? - JSTOR
From 1869 to his downfall in 1871, Boss Tweed coordi- ipal treasury and attacked the city's problems with a vast public works program. Since Tweed's successors could not hold the city …
