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correlation between income and political affiliation: Class Politics and the Radical Right Jens Rydgren, 2013 This volume, which brings together the leading scholars within this field, makes a unique contribution by focusing on the relationship between class politics and the radical right |
correlation between income and political affiliation: The Politics of Income Inequality in the United States Nathan J. Kelly, 2009-03-30 Using income surveys and various political-economic data, this book shows that income inequality is fundamental to the dynamics of US politics. |
correlation between income and political affiliation: Welfare for the Wealthy Christopher G. Faricy, 2015-10-22 How does political party control determine changes to social policy, and by extension, influence inequality in America? Conventional theories show that Democratic control of the federal government produces more social expenditures and less inequality. Welfare for the Wealthy re-examines this relationship by evaluating how political party power results in changes to both public social spending and subsidies for private welfare - and how a trade-off between the two, in turn, affects income inequality. Christopher Faricy finds that both Democrats and Republicans have increased social spending over the last forty-two years. And while both political parties increase federal social spending, Democrats and Republicans differ in how they spend federal money, which socioeconomic groups benefit, and the resulting consequences for income inequality. |
correlation between income and political affiliation: Affluence and Influence Martin Gilens, 2012-07-22 Why policymaking in the United States privileges the rich over the poor Can a country be a democracy if its government only responds to the preferences of the rich? In an ideal democracy, all citizens should have equal influence on government policy—but as this book demonstrates, America's policymakers respond almost exclusively to the preferences of the economically advantaged. Affluence and Influence definitively explores how political inequality in the United States has evolved over the last several decades and how this growing disparity has been shaped by interest groups, parties, and elections. With sharp analysis and an impressive range of data, Martin Gilens looks at thousands of proposed policy changes, and the degree of support for each among poor, middle-class, and affluent Americans. His findings are staggering: when preferences of low- or middle-income Americans diverge from those of the affluent, there is virtually no relationship between policy outcomes and the desires of less advantaged groups. In contrast, affluent Americans' preferences exhibit a substantial relationship with policy outcomes whether their preferences are shared by lower-income groups or not. Gilens shows that representational inequality is spread widely across different policy domains and time periods. Yet Gilens also shows that under specific circumstances the preferences of the middle class and, to a lesser extent, the poor, do seem to matter. In particular, impending elections—especially presidential elections—and an even partisan division in Congress mitigate representational inequality and boost responsiveness to the preferences of the broader public. At a time when economic and political inequality in the United States only continues to rise, Affluence and Influence raises important questions about whether American democracy is truly responding to the needs of all its citizens. |
correlation between income and political affiliation: Income Redistribution and the Realignment of American Politics Nolan M. McCarty, Keith T. Poole, Howard Rosenthal, 1997 What kinds of considerations have historically had an important influence on congressional voting patterns? This analysis demonstrates that income redistribution implications have had a strong and persistent effect on national policy. |
correlation between income and political affiliation: Risk Inequality and Welfare States Philipp Rehm, 2016-05-31 Focusing on the distribution of risk within societies, this book presents a parsimonious theory of social policy emergence, divergence, and change. It is suitable for advanced undergraduate courses and graduate seminars in political economy, social policy, labor market politics, political behavior, political psychology, sociology, and class stratification. |
correlation between income and political affiliation: The Politics Industry Katherine M. Gehl, Michael E. Porter, 2020-06-23 Leading political innovation activist Katherine Gehl and world-renowned business strategist Michael Porter bring fresh perspective, deep scholarship, and a real and actionable solution, Final Five Voting, to the grand challenge of our broken political and democratic system. Final Five Voting has already been adopted in Alaska and is being advanced in states across the country. The truth is, the American political system is working exactly how it is designed to work, and it isn't designed or optimized today to work for us—for ordinary citizens. Most people believe that our political system is a public institution with high-minded principles and impartial rules derived from the Constitution. In reality, it has become a private industry dominated by a textbook duopoly—the Democrats and the Republicans—and plagued and perverted by unhealthy competition between the players. Tragically, it has therefore become incapable of delivering solutions to America's key economic and social challenges. In fact, there's virtually no connection between our political leaders solving problems and getting reelected. In The Politics Industry, business leader and path-breaking political innovator Katherine Gehl and world-renowned business strategist Michael Porter take a radical new approach. They ingeniously apply the tools of business analysis—and Porter's distinctive Five Forces framework—to show how the political system functions just as every other competitive industry does, and how the duopoly has led to the devastating outcomes we see today. Using this competition lens, Gehl and Porter identify the most powerful lever for change—a strategy comprised of a clear set of choices in two key areas: how our elections work and how we make our laws. Their bracing assessment and practical recommendations cut through the endless debate about various proposed fixes, such as term limits and campaign finance reform. The result: true political innovation. The Politics Industry is an original and completely nonpartisan guide that will open your eyes to the true dynamics and profound challenges of the American political system and provide real solutions for reshaping the system for the benefit of all. THE INSTITUTE FOR POLITICAL INNOVATION The authors will donate all royalties from the sale of this book to the Institute for Political Innovation. |
correlation between income and political affiliation: The Declining Significance of Race William J. Wilson, 1980-01 Draws attention to growing distinctions within the Black community as impoverished Blacks grow less and less able to compete with educated Blacks for social status, economic rewards, and power |
correlation between income and political affiliation: How Words Make Things Happen David Bromwich, 2019-04-04 Sooner or later, our words take on meanings other than we intended. How Words Make Things Happen suggests that the conventional idea of persuasive rhetoric (which assumes a speaker's control of calculated effects) and the modern idea of literary autonomy (which assumes that 'poetry makes nothing happen') together have produced a misleading account of the relations between words and human action. Words do make things happen. But they cannot be counted on to produce the result they intend. This volume studies examples from a range of speakers and writers and offers close readings of their words. Chapter 1 considers the theory of speech-acts propounded by J.L. Austin. 'Speakers Who Convince Themselves' is the subject of chapter 2, which interprets two soliloquies by Shakespeare's characters and two by Milton's Satan. The oratory of Burke and Lincoln come in for extended treatment in chapter 3, while chapter 4 looks at the rival tendencies of moral suasion and aestheticism in the poetry of Yeats and Auden. The final chapter, a cause of controversy when first published in the London Review of Books, supports a policy of unrestricted free speech against contemporary proposals of censorship. Since we cannot know what our own words are going to do, we have no standing to justify the banishment of one set of words in favour of another. |
correlation between income and political affiliation: Communities in Action National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine, Health and Medicine Division, Board on Population Health and Public Health Practice, Committee on Community-Based Solutions to Promote Health Equity in the United States, 2017-04-27 In the United States, some populations suffer from far greater disparities in health than others. Those disparities are caused not only by fundamental differences in health status across segments of the population, but also because of inequities in factors that impact health status, so-called determinants of health. Only part of an individual's health status depends on his or her behavior and choice; community-wide problems like poverty, unemployment, poor education, inadequate housing, poor public transportation, interpersonal violence, and decaying neighborhoods also contribute to health inequities, as well as the historic and ongoing interplay of structures, policies, and norms that shape lives. When these factors are not optimal in a community, it does not mean they are intractable: such inequities can be mitigated by social policies that can shape health in powerful ways. Communities in Action: Pathways to Health Equity seeks to delineate the causes of and the solutions to health inequities in the United States. This report focuses on what communities can do to promote health equity, what actions are needed by the many and varied stakeholders that are part of communities or support them, as well as the root causes and structural barriers that need to be overcome. |
correlation between income and political affiliation: Red State, Blue State, Rich State, Poor State Andrew Gelman, 2009-12-07 On the night of the 2000 presidential election, Americans watched on television as polling results divided the nation's map into red and blue states. Since then the color divide has become symbolic of a culture war that thrives on stereotypes--pickup-driving red-state Republicans who vote based on God, guns, and gays; and elitist blue-state Democrats woefully out of touch with heartland values. With wit and prodigious number crunching, Andrew Gelman debunks these and other political myths. This expanded edition includes new data and easy-to-read graphics explaining the 2008 election. Red State, Blue State, Rich State, Poor State is a must-read for anyone seeking to make sense of today's fractured political landscape. |
correlation between income and political affiliation: Polarized America Nolan McCarty, Keith T. Poole, Howard Rosenthal, 2006-06-16 An analysis of how the increasing polarization of American politics has been accompanied and accelerated by greater income inequality, rising immigration, and other social and economic changes. |
correlation between income and political affiliation: The Next America Paul Taylor, Pew Research Center, 2016-01-26 The America of the near future will look nothing like the America of the recent past. America is in the throes of a demographic overhaul. Huge generation gaps have opened up in our political and social values, our economic well-being, our family structure, our racial and ethnic identity, our gender norms, our religious affiliation, and our technology use. Today's Millennials -- well-educated, tech savvy, underemployed twenty-somethings -- are at risk of becoming the first generation in American history to have a lower standard of living than their parents. Meantime, more than 10,000 Baby Boomers are retiring every single day, most of them not as well prepared financially as they'd hoped. This graying of our population has helped polarize our politics, put stresses on our social safety net, and presented our elected leaders with a daunting challenge: How to keep faith with the old without bankrupting the young and starving the future. Every aspect of our demography is being fundamentally transformed. By mid-century, the population of the United States will be majority non-white and our median age will edge above 40 -- both unprecedented milestones. But other rapidly-aging economic powers like China, Germany, and Japan will have populations that are much older. With our heavy immigration flows, the US is poised to remain relatively young. If we can get our spending priorities and generational equities in order, we can keep our economy second to none. But doing so means we have to rebalance the social compact that binds young and old. In tomorrow's world, yesterday's math will not add up. Drawing on Pew Research Center's extensive archive of public opinion surveys and demographic data, The Next America is a rich portrait of where we are as a nation and where we're headed -- toward a future marked by the most striking social, racial, and economic shifts the country has seen in a century. |
correlation between income and political affiliation: The Partisan Sort Matthew Levendusky, 2009-12-15 As Washington elites drifted toward ideological poles over the past few decades, did ordinary Americans follow their lead? In The Partisan Sort, Matthew Levendusky reveals that we have responded to this trend—but not, for the most part, by becoming more extreme ourselves. While polarization has filtered down to a small minority of voters, it also has had the more significant effect of reconfiguring the way we sort ourselves into political parties. In a marked realignment since the 1970s—when partisan affiliation did not depend on ideology and both major parties had strong liberal and conservative factions—liberals today overwhelmingly identify with Democrats, as conservatives do with Republicans. This “sorting,” Levendusky contends, results directly from the increasingly polarized terms in which political leaders define their parties. Exploring its far-reaching implications for the American political landscape, he demonstrates that sorting makes voters more loyally partisan, allowing campaigns to focus more attention on mobilizing committed supporters. Ultimately, Levendusky concludes, this new link between party and ideology represents a sea change in American politics. |
correlation between income and political affiliation: What's the Matter with Kansas? Thomas Frank, 2007-04-01 One of our most insightful social observers* cracks the great political mystery of our time: how conservatism, once a marker of class privilege, became the creed of millions of ordinary Americans With his acclaimed wit and acuity, Thomas Frank turns his eye on what he calls the thirty-year backlash—the populist revolt against a supposedly liberal establishment. The high point of that backlash is the Republican Party's success in building the most unnatural of alliances: between blue-collar Midwesterners and Wall Street business interests, workers and bosses, populists and right-wingers. In asking what 's the matter with Kansas?—how a place famous for its radicalism became one of the most conservative states in the union—Frank, a native Kansan and onetime Republican, seeks to answer some broader American riddles: Why do so many of us vote against our economic interests? Where's the outrage at corporate manipulators? And whatever happened to middle-American progressivism? The questions are urgent as well as provocative. Frank answers them by examining pop conservatism—the bestsellers, the radio talk shows, the vicious political combat—and showing how our long culture wars have left us with an electorate far more concerned with their leaders' values and down-home qualities than with their stands on hard questions of policy. A brilliant analysis—and funny to boot—What's the Matter with Kansas? presents a critical assessment of who we are, while telling a remarkable story of how a group of frat boys, lawyers, and CEOs came to convince a nation that they spoke on behalf of the People. *Los Angeles Times |
correlation between income and political affiliation: Red and Blue Nation? Pietro S. Nivola, David W. Brady, 2008-04-01 A Brookings Institution Press and the Hoover Institution publication America's polarized politics are largely disconnected from mainstream public preferences. This disconnect poses fundamental dangers for the representativeness and accountability of government, as well as the already withering public trust in it. As the 2008 presidential race kicks into gear, the political climate certainly will not become less polarized. With important issues to address—including immigration policy, health care, and the funding of the Iraq war—it is critical that essential policies not be hostage to partisan political battles. Building upon the findings of the first volume of Red and Blue Nation? (Brookings, 2006), which explored the extent of political polarization and its potential causes, this new volume delves into the consequences of the gulf between red states and blue states. The authors examine the impact of these political divisions on voter behavior, Congressional law-making, judicial selection, and foreign policy formation. They shed light on hotly debated institutional reform proposals—including changes to the electoral system and the congressional rules of engagement—and ultimately present research-supported policies and reforms for alleviating the underlying causes of political polarization. While most discussion of polarization takes place in separate spheres of journalism and academia, Red and Blue Nation? brings together a unique set of voices with a wide variety of perspectives to enrich our understanding of the issue. Written in a broad, accessible style, it is a resource for anyone interested in the future of electoral politics in America. Contributors include Marc Hetherington and John G. Geer (Vanderbilt University), Deborah Jordan Brooks (Dartmouth College), Martin P. Wattenberg (University of California, Irvine), Barbara Sinclair and Joel D. Aberbach (UCLA), Christopher H. Foreman (University of Maryland), Keith Krehbiel (Stanford University), Sarah A. Binder, Benjamin Wittes, Jonathan Rauch, and William A. Ga |
correlation between income and political affiliation: Democracy, Inequality, and Representation in Comparative Perspective Pablo Beramendi, Christopher J. Anderson, 2008-09-04 The gap between the richest and poorest Americans has grown steadily over the last thirty years, and economic inequality is on the rise in many other industrialized democracies as well. But the magnitude and pace of the increase differs dramatically across nations. A country's political system and its institutions play a critical role in determining levels of inequality in a society. Democracy, Inequality, and Representation argues that the reverse is also true—inequality itself shapes political systems and institutions in powerful and often overlooked ways. In Democracy, Inequality, and Representation, distinguished political scientists and economists use a set of international databases to examine the political causes and consequences of income inequality. The volume opens with an examination of how differing systems of political representation contribute to cross-national variations in levels of inequality. Torben Iverson and David Soskice calculate that taxes and income transfers help reduce the poverty rate in Sweden by over 80 percent, while the comparable figure for the United States is only 13 percent. Noting that traditional economic models fail to account for this striking discrepancy, the authors show how variations in electoral systems lead to very different outcomes. But political causes of disparity are only one part of the equation. The contributors also examine how inequality shapes the democratic process. Pablo Beramendi and Christopher Anderson show how disparity mutes political voices: at the individual level, citizens with the lowest incomes are the least likely to vote, while high levels of inequality in a society result in diminished electoral participation overall. Thomas Cusack, Iverson, and Philipp Rehm demonstrate that uncertainty in the economy changes voters' attitudes; the mere risk of losing one's job generates increased popular demand for income support policies almost as much as actual unemployment does. Ronald Rogowski and Duncan McRae illustrate how changes in levels of inequality can drive reforms in political institutions themselves. Increased demand for female labor participation during World War II led to greater equality between men and women, which in turn encouraged many European countries to extend voting rights to women for the first time. The contributors to this important new volume skillfully disentangle a series of complex relationships between economics and politics to show how inequality both shapes and is shaped by policy. Democracy, Inequality, and Representation provides deeply nuanced insight into why some democracies are able to curtail inequality—while others continue to witness a division that grows ever deeper. |
correlation between income and political affiliation: Who Gets Represented? Peter K. Enns, Christopher Wlezien, 2011-01-10 An investigation of policy preferences in the U.S. and how group opinion affects political representation. While it is often assumed that policymakers favor the interests of some citizens at the expense of others, it is not always evident when and how groups' interests differ or what it means when they do. Who Gets Represented? challenges the usual assumption that the preferences of any one group—women, African Americans, or the middle class—are incompatible with the preferences of other groups. The book analyzes differences across income, education, racial, and partisan groups and investigates whether and how differences in group opinion matter with regard to political representation. Part I examines opinions among social and racial groups. Relying on an innovative matching technique, contributors Marisa Abrajano and Keith Poole link respondents in different surveys to show that racial and ethnic groups do not, as previously thought, predictably embrace similar attitudes about social welfare. Katherine Cramer Walsh finds that, although preferences on health care policy and government intervention are often surprisingly similar across class lines, different income groups can maintain the same policy preferences for different reasons. Part II turns to how group interests translate into policy outcomes, with a focus on differences in representation between income groups. James Druckman and Lawrence Jacobs analyze Ronald Reagan's response to private polling data during his presidency and show how different electorally significant groups—Republicans, the wealthy, religious conservatives—wielded disproportionate influence on Reagan's policy positions. Christopher Wlezien and Stuart Soroka show that politicians' responsiveness to the preferences of constituents within different income groups can be surprisingly even-handed. Analyzing data from 1876 to the present, Wesley Hussey and John Zaller focus on the important role of political parties, vis-à-vis constituents' preferences, for legislators' behavior. Who Gets Represented? upends several long-held assumptions, among them the growing conventional wisdom that income plays in American politics and the assumption that certain groups will always—or will never—have common interests. Similarities among group opinions are as significant as differences for understanding political representation. Who Gets Represented? offers important and surprising answers to the question it raises. |
correlation between income and political affiliation: Super PACs Louise I. Gerdes, 2014-05-20 The passage of Citizens United by the Supreme Court in 2010 sparked a renewed debate about campaign spending by large political action committees, or Super PACs. Its ruling said that it is okay for corporations and labor unions to spend as much as they want in advertising and other methods to convince people to vote for or against a candidate. This book provides a wide range of opinions on the issue. Includes primary and secondary sources from a variety of perspectives; eyewitnesses, scientific journals, government officials, and many others. |
correlation between income and political affiliation: The Last Liberal Republican John Roy Price, 2023-11-17 The Last Liberal Republican is a memoir from one of Nixon’s senior domestic policy advisors. John Roy Price—a member of the moderate wing of the Republican Party, a cofounder of the Ripon Society, and an employee on Nelson Rockefeller’s campaigns—joined Daniel Patrick Moynihan, and later John D. Ehrlichman, in the Nixon White House to develop domestic policies, especially on welfare, hunger, and health. Based on those policies, and the internal White House struggles around them, Price places Nixon firmly in the liberal Republican tradition of President Theodore Roosevelt, New York governor Thomas E. Dewey, and President Dwight Eisenhower. Price makes a valuable contribution to our evolving scholarship and understanding of the Nixon presidency. Nixon himself lamented that he would be remembered only for Watergate and China. The Last Liberal Republican provides firsthand insight into key moments regarding Nixon’s political and policy challenges in the domestic social policy arena. Price offers rich detail on the extent to which Nixon and his staff straddled a precarious balance between a Democratic-controlled Congress and an increasingly powerful conservative tide in Republican politics. The Last Liberal Republican provides a blow-by-blow inside view of how Nixon surprised the Democrats and shocked conservatives with his ambitious proposal for a guaranteed family income. Beyond Nixon’s surprising embrace of what we today call universal basic income, the thirty-seventh president reordered and vastly expanded the patchy food stamp program he inherited and built nutrition education and children’s food services into schools. Richard Nixon even almost achieved a national health insurance program: fifty years ago, with a private sector framework as part of his generous benefits insurance coverage for all, Nixon included coverage of preexisting conditions, prescription drug coverage for all, and federal subsidies for those who could not afford the premiums. The Last Liberal Republican will be a valuable resource for presidency scholars who are studying Nixon, his policies, the state of the Republican Party, and how the Nixon years relate to the rise of the modern conservative movement. |
correlation between income and political affiliation: The Oxford Handbook of Social and Political Trust Eric M. Uslaner, 2018-01-02 This volume explores the foundations of trust, and whether social and political trust have common roots. Contributions by noted scholars examine how we measure trust, the cultural and social psychological roots of trust, the foundations of political trust, and how trust concerns the law, the economy, elections, international relations, corruption, and cooperation, among myriad societal factors. The rich assortment of essays on these themes addresses questions such as: How does national identity shape trust, and how does trust form in developing countries and in new democracies? Are minority groups less trusting than the dominant group in a society? Do immigrants adapt to the trust levels of their host countries? Does group interaction build trust? Does the welfare state promote trust and, in turn, does trust lead to greater well-being and to better health outcomes? The Oxford Handbook of Social and Political Trust considers these and other questions of critical importance for current scholarly investigations of trust. |
correlation between income and political affiliation: Congressional Record United States. Congress, 1968 |
correlation between income and political affiliation: The Fourth Industrial Revolution Klaus Schwab, 2017-01-03 World-renowned economist Klaus Schwab, Founder and Executive Chairman of the World Economic Forum, explains that we have an opportunity to shape the fourth industrial revolution, which will fundamentally alter how we live and work. Schwab argues that this revolution is different in scale, scope and complexity from any that have come before. Characterized by a range of new technologies that are fusing the physical, digital and biological worlds, the developments are affecting all disciplines, economies, industries and governments, and even challenging ideas about what it means to be human. Artificial intelligence is already all around us, from supercomputers, drones and virtual assistants to 3D printing, DNA sequencing, smart thermostats, wearable sensors and microchips smaller than a grain of sand. But this is just the beginning: nanomaterials 200 times stronger than steel and a million times thinner than a strand of hair and the first transplant of a 3D printed liver are already in development. Imagine “smart factories” in which global systems of manufacturing are coordinated virtually, or implantable mobile phones made of biosynthetic materials. The fourth industrial revolution, says Schwab, is more significant, and its ramifications more profound, than in any prior period of human history. He outlines the key technologies driving this revolution and discusses the major impacts expected on government, business, civil society and individuals. Schwab also offers bold ideas on how to harness these changes and shape a better future—one in which technology empowers people rather than replaces them; progress serves society rather than disrupts it; and in which innovators respect moral and ethical boundaries rather than cross them. We all have the opportunity to contribute to developing new frameworks that advance progress. |
correlation between income and political affiliation: The New Politics of the Welfare State Paul Pierson, 2001 The welfare states of the affluent democracies now stand at the centre of political discussion and social conflict. In this text, an international team of leading analysts reject simplistic claims about the impact of economic globalization. |
correlation between income and political affiliation: Political Cleavages and Social Inequalities Amory Gethin, Clara Martnez-Toledano, Thomas Piketty, 2021-11-16 The empirical starting point for anyone who wants to understand political cleavages in the democratic world, based on a unique dataset covering fifty countries since WWII. Who votes for whom and why? Why has growing inequality in many parts of the world not led to renewed class-based conflicts, seeming instead to have come with the emergence of new divides over identity and integration? News analysts, scholars, and citizens interested in exploring those questions inevitably lack relevant data, in particular the kinds of data that establish historical and international context. Political Cleavages and Social Inequalities provides the missing empirical background, collecting and examining a treasure trove of information on the dynamics of polarization in modern democracies. The chapters draw on a unique set of surveys conducted between 1948 and 2020 in fifty countries on five continents, analyzing the links between votersÕ political preferences and socioeconomic characteristics, such as income, education, wealth, occupation, religion, ethnicity, age, and gender. This analysis sheds new light on how political movements succeed in coalescing multiple interests and identities in contemporary democracies. It also helps us understand the conditions under which conflicts over inequality become politically salient, as well as the similarities and constraints of voters supporting ethnonationalist politicians like Narendra Modi, Jair Bolsonaro, Marine Le Pen, and Donald Trump. Bringing together cutting-edge data and historical analysis, editors Amory Gethin, Clara Martnez-Toledano, and Thomas Piketty offer a vital resource for understanding the voting patterns of the present and the likely sources of future political conflict. |
correlation between income and political affiliation: Hurricane Hazel Hazel McCallion, Robert Brehl, 2014-10-28 Throughout her ground-breaking career in business and politics, Hurricane Hazel McCallion has seen it all. In 1978, she defeated a popular incumbent to win election as mayor of Mississauga, a rising city near Toronto that was, until then, a collection of towns, villages and farms. No one would have foreseen that the indomitable Hurricane Hazel would become so wildly popular she would remain mayor until 2014, retiring at age 93. Within months of taking office, Mayor McCallion orchestrated the largest Canadian peacetime evacuation at the time after a train derailed and put almost 250,000 Mississauga residents in harm's way of deadly chlorine gas. The incident made her an international media star and cemented her reputation as a plain-speaking, decisive political leader. She's been courted by federal and provincial parties over the years but turned them all down, declaring, I could never toe the party line. I'd wear out the carpet crossing the floor. In her memoir, McCallion writes about her early years as the feisty mayor of a growing city; battles with politicians and business leaders; her love of hockey and abhorrence of on-ice violence; where the feminist movement misses its mark; and how she watched and dealt with her beloved husband's fall into the grip of Alzheimer's. Hazel's run as the leader of one of the fastest-growing cities in Canada has been nothing short of remarkable. The book is the story of Hazel's political, personal and business life, with all of its bumps and bruises along the way, as honest, bold and straightforward as the woman herself. |
correlation between income and political affiliation: The Economic Other Meghan Condon, Amber Wichowsky, 2020-08-13 Economic inequality is at a record high in the United States, but public demand for redistribution is not rising with it. Meghan Condon and Amber Wichowsky show that this paradox and other mysteries about class and US politics can be solved through a focus on social comparison. Powerful currents compete to propel attention up or down—toward the rich or the poor—pulling politics along in the wake. Through an astute blend of experiments, surveys, and descriptions people offer in their own words, The Economic Other reveals that when less-advantaged Americans compare with the rich, they become more accurate about their own status and want more from government. But American society is structured to prevent upward comparison. In an increasingly divided, anxious nation, opportunities to interact with the country’s richest are shrinking, and people prefer to compare to those below to feel secure. Even when comparison with the rich does occur, many lose confidence in their power to effect change. Laying bare how social comparisons drive political attitudes, The Economic Other is an essential look at the stubborn plight of inequality and the measures needed to solve it. |
correlation between income and political affiliation: Listen, Liberal Thomas Frank, 2016-03-15 From the bestselling author of What's the Matter With Kansas, a scathing look at the standard-bearers of liberal politics -- a book that asks: what's the matter with Democrats? It is a widespread belief among liberals that if only Democrats can continue to dominate national elections, if only those awful Republicans are beaten into submission, the country will be on the right course. But this is to fundamentally misunderstand the modern Democratic Party. Drawing on years of research and first-hand reporting, Frank points out that the Democrats have done little to advance traditional liberal goals: expanding opportunity, fighting for social justice, and ensuring that workers get a fair deal. Indeed, they have scarcely dented the free-market consensus at all. This is not for lack of opportunity: Democrats have occupied the White House for sixteen of the last twenty-four years, and yet the decline of the middle class has only accelerated. Wall Street gets its bailouts, wages keep falling, and the free-trade deals keep coming. With his trademark sardonic wit and lacerating logic, Frank's Listen, Liberal lays bare the essence of the Democratic Party's philosophy and how it has changed over the years. A form of corporate and cultural elitism has largely eclipsed the party's old working-class commitment, he finds. For certain favored groups, this has meant prosperity. But for the nation as a whole, it is a one-way ticket into the abyss of inequality. In this critical election year, Frank recalls the Democrats to their historic goals-the only way to reverse the ever-deepening rift between the rich and the poor in America. |
correlation between income and political affiliation: Public Policy, Governance and Polarization David K. Jesuit, Russell Alan Williams, 2017-07-06 Polarization is widely diagnosed as a major cause of the decline of evidence-based policy making and public engagement-based styles of policy making. It creates an environment where hardened partisan viewpoints on major policy questions are less amenable to negotiation, compromise or change. Polarization is not a temporary situation – it is the “new normal.” Public Policy, Governance and Polarization seeks to provide a theoretical foundation for scholars and policy makers who need to understand the powerful and often disruptive forces that have arisen in Europe and North America over the past decade. Academics and practitioners need to better understand this growing trend and to find ways in which it may be managed so that policy solutions to these threats may be developed and implemented. Researchers and future policymakers in fields such as public administration, public management and public policy need to recognise how institutional design, corporatist interest group systems and different pedagogical approaches may help them understand, discuss and work beyond policy polarization. Edited by two leading political science scholars, this book aims to begin that process. |
correlation between income and political affiliation: Who Votes Now? Jan E. Leighley, Jonathan Nagler, 2013-11-24 Who Votes Now? compares the demographic characteristics and political views of voters and nonvoters in American presidential elections since 1972 and examines how electoral reforms and the choices offered by candidates influence voter turnout. Drawing on a wealth of data from the U.S. Census Bureau's Current Population Survey and the American National Election Studies, Jan Leighley and Jonathan Nagler demonstrate that the rich have consistently voted more than the poor for the past four decades, and that voters are substantially more conservative in their economic views than nonvoters. They find that women are now more likely to vote than men, that the gap in voting rates between blacks and whites has largely disappeared, and that older Americans continue to vote more than younger Americans. Leighley and Nagler also show how electoral reforms such as Election Day voter registration and absentee voting have boosted voter turnout, and how turnout would also rise if parties offered more distinct choices. Providing the most systematic analysis available of modern voter turnout, Who Votes Now? reveals that persistent class bias in turnout has enduring political consequences, and that it really does matter who votes and who doesn't. |
correlation between income and political affiliation: Causes and Consequences of Income Inequality Ms.Era Dabla-Norris, Ms.Kalpana Kochhar, Mrs.Nujin Suphaphiphat, Mr.Frantisek Ricka, Ms.Evridiki Tsounta, 2015-06-15 This paper analyzes the extent of income inequality from a global perspective, its drivers, and what to do about it. The drivers of inequality vary widely amongst countries, with some common drivers being the skill premium associated with technical change and globalization, weakening protection for labor, and lack of financial inclusion in developing countries. We find that increasing the income share of the poor and the middle class actually increases growth while a rising income share of the top 20 percent results in lower growth—that is, when the rich get richer, benefits do not trickle down. This suggests that policies need to be country specific but should focus on raising the income share of the poor, and ensuring there is no hollowing out of the middle class. To tackle inequality, financial inclusion is imperative in emerging and developing countries while in advanced economies, policies should focus on raising human capital and skills and making tax systems more progressive. |
correlation between income and political affiliation: The Predator State James K. Galbraith, 2008-08-05 The cult of the free market has dominated economic policy-talk since the Reagan revolution of nearly thirty years ago. Tax cuts and small government, monetarism, balanced budgets, deregulation, and free trade are the core elements of this dogma, a dogma so successful that even many liberals accept it. But a funny thing happened on the bridge to the twenty-first century. While liberals continue to bow before the free-market altar, conservatives in the style of George W. Bush have abandoned it altogether. That is why principled conservatives -- the Reagan true believers -- long ago abandoned Bush. Enter James K. Galbraith, the iconoclastic economist. In this riveting book, Galbraith first dissects the stale remains of Reaganism and shows how Bush and company had no choice except to dump them into the trash. He then explores the true nature of the Bush regime: a corporate republic, bringing the methods and mentality of big business to public life; a coalition of lobbies, doing the bidding of clients in the oil, mining, military, pharmaceutical, agribusiness, insurance, and media industries; and a predator state, intent not on reducing government but rather on diverting public cash into private hands. In plain English, the Republican Party has been hijacked by political leaders who long since stopped caring if reality conformed to their message. Galbraith follows with an impertinent question: if conservatives no longer take free markets seriously, why should liberals? Why keep liberal thought in the straitjacket of pay-as-you-go, of assigning inflation control to the Federal Reserve, of attempting to make markets work? Why not build a new economic policy based on what is really happening in this country? The real economy is not a free-market economy. It is a complex combination of private and public institutions, including Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid, higher education, the housing finance system, and a vast federal research establishment. The real problems and challenges -- inequality, climate change, the infrastructure deficit, the subprime crisis, and the future of the dollar -- are problems that cannot be solved by incantations about the market. They will be solved only with planning, with standards and other policies that transcend and even transform markets. A timely, provocative work whose message will endure beyond this election season, The Predator State will appeal to the broad audience of thoughtful Americans who wish to understand the forces at work in our economy and culture and who seek to live in a nation that is both prosperous and progressive. |
correlation between income and political affiliation: Political Determinants of Income Inequality in Emerging Democracies Takeshi Kawanaka, Yasushi Hazama, 2016-01-14 This study explores why democratization does not necessarily result in inequality reduction in emerging democracies and reveals the determinants of income inequality in emerging democracies, where the average level of inequality continues to be higher and where there is a larger variance of inequality levels than in advanced democracies. Apart from economic, demographic, and social factors, the book highlights political factors that obstruct redistributive policies. In contrast to conventional studies on advanced democracies, which emphasize the relations between different classes, this study asserts that several political factors cause malfunctioning of democratic institutions at various phases of the political process in emerging democracies: multidimensional preferences, the failure of the political market, and weak state capacity. The book employs econometric methods to examine the effects of these political factors. The results indicate their significant effects. The multilevel analysis using the World Values Survey demonstrates that multidimensional preferences, operationalized as ethnic fractionalization, weaken demand for income inequality. Political market quality and state capacity are measured by the age of the largest opposition party, and the Quality of Government indicator is used for the unbalanced panel analysis covering the 1985–2012 period for 75 democracies. Both political market quality and state capacity reduce inequality, but the latter takes more time to show its effect. |
correlation between income and political affiliation: Intelligence, Genes, and Success Bernie Devlin, Stephen E. Fienberg, Daniel P. Resnick, Kathryn Roeder, 1997-08-07 A scientific response to the best-selling The Bell Curve which set off a hailstorm of controversy upon its publication in 1994. Much of the public reaction to the book was polemic and failed to analyse the details of the science and validity of the statistical arguments underlying the books conclusion. Here, at last, social scientists and statisticians reply to The Bell Curve and its conclusions about IQ, genetics and social outcomes. |
correlation between income and political affiliation: Voting Behaviour in Canada Cameron D. Anderson, Laura B. Stephenson, 2011-01-01 Can election results be explained, given that each ballot reflects the influence of countless impressions, decisions, and attachments? Leading young scholars of political behaviour piece together a comprehensive portrait of the modern Canadian voter to reveal the challenges of understanding election results. By systematically exploring the long-standing attachments, short-term influences, and proximate factors that influence our behaviour in the voting booth, this theoretically grounded and methodologically advanced collection sheds new light on the choices we make as citizens and provides important insights into recent national developments. |
correlation between income and political affiliation: Party Policy in Modern Democracies Kenneth Benoit, Michael Laver, 2006-10-16 A new and wide-ranging empirical overview of party policy in 47 modern democracies, including all of the new democracies of Eastern Europe. It updates and radically extends Policy and Party Competition (1992), which established itself as a key mainstream data source for all political scientists exploring the policy positions of political parties. This essential text is divided into three clear parts: Part I introduces the study, themes and methodology Part II deals in depth with the wide range of issues involved in estimating and analyzing the policy positions of key political actors. Part III is the key data section that identifies key policy dimensions across the 47 countries, detailing their party positions and median legislators, and is complemented by graphical representations of each party system. This book is an invaluable reference for all political scientists, particularly those interested in party policy and comparative politics. |
correlation between income and political affiliation: The Unheavenly Chorus Kay Lehman Schlozman, Sidney Verba, Henry E. Brady, 2012 Examining the current state of democracy in the United States, 'The Unheavenly Chorus' looks at the political participation of individual citizens - alongside the political advocacy of thousands of organized interests - in order to demonstrate that American democracy is marred by ingrained and persistent class-based inequality. |
correlation between income and political affiliation: Red, Blue, and Purple America Ruy A. Teixeira, 2009-11-01 As America rushes headlong into a dramatic campaign season, it is clear that these consequential contests—and the ones that follow—will be hugely influenced by recent changes in the nation's makeup. Red, Blue, and Purple America provides a clear and nuanced understanding of the geographic and demographic changes that are transforming the United States and how that transformation is reshaping politics, for the 2008 elections and beyond. The invaluable result is a detailed picture of current trends as well as a clear-eyed assessment of how they will shape American politics and policy during the next two decades. An elite group of demographers, geographers, and political scientists analyze rapidly changing patterns of immigration, settlement, demography, family structure, and religion. Each analysis describes one major trend and assesses its likely impact on politics, for the 2008 elections but for the long term as well. The authors then lay out the most likely implications for public policy. In doing so, they show how these trends have shaped the Red and Blue divisions we are familiar with today, and how the developments might break apart those blocs in new and surprising ways. |
correlation between income and political affiliation: Statistics for Politics and International Relations Using IBM SPSS Statistics Helen M. Williams, 2020-02-03 Guiding you from first principles to advanced techniques, this book uses IBM SPSS Statistics examples specific to your Politics and International Relations studies to equip you with the tools to understand key concepts in quantitative research, and use them to produce and interpret data. The book takes you through the entire research process, from choosing a research question through to writing up your findings. Key features include: Software-specific sections in each chapter to show you how to use SPSS, while mathematical equations are kept to a minimum Packed with real life examples Extensive learning features including: chapter objectives, boxed summaries, illustrations, exercises and end-of-chapter questions, suggestions of further reading and a glossary Accompanied by a collection of online resources including datasets, exercises, multiple choice questions, podcasts, videos and further reading and weblinks. This is an invaluable research companion for students of Politics and International Relations using IBM SPSS Statistics. |
correlation between income and political affiliation: Democratic Dynasties Kanchan Chandra, 2016-04-28 Dynastic politics, usually presumed to be the antithesis of democracy, is a routine aspect of politics in many modern democracies. This book introduces a new theoretical perspective on dynasticism in democracies, using original data on twenty-first-century Indian parliaments. It argues that the roots of dynastic politics lie at least in part in modern democratic institutions - states and parties - which give political families a leg-up in the electoral process. It also proposes a rethinking of the view that dynastic politics is a violation of democracy, showing that it can also reinforce some aspects of democracy while violating others. Finally, this book suggests that both reinforcement and violation are the products, not of some property intrinsic to political dynasties, but of the institutional environment from which those dynasties emerge. |
covariance(协变)和 correlation(相关性)如何理解他们的区 …
Correlation 是在两组数据基础上的相对值,消除了数据组本身大小对相关性的影响(eliminate the effects of size),着重描述其相对的相关性,从而使不同规模的数据组之间具有可比性和对照性。 …
如何理解皮尔逊相关系数(Pearson Correlation Coefficient)?
Pearson相关性系数(Pearson Correlation)是衡量向量相似度的一种方法。输出范围为-1到+1, 0代表无相关性,负值为负相关,正值为正相关。 输出范围为-1到+1, 0代表无相关性,负值为 …
相干性(coherence )和相关性(correlation) 有什么区别和联系?
总的来说,cross-correlation 和coherence的本质都是某两个随机变量的correlation coefficient,只是cross-correlation 的输入是时域(time domain)变量;coherence的输入是频 …
如何通俗易懂地解释「协方差」与「相关系数」的概念? - 知乎
Dec 6, 2015 · 翻译一下:就是用x、y的协方差除以x的标准差和y的标准差。 所以,相关系数也可以看成协方差:一种剔除了两个变量量纲影响、标准化后的特殊协方差。
pearson 和spearman的区别是什么? - 知乎
其实除了这两个相关性系数,现在我们在转录组的文章里,也可以看到Lin's concordance correlation coefficient,感兴趣的同学自己可以去查一下. 好了,先讲到这里,后面我们也会陆 …
相关系数有什么意义,为什么说不能体现相关的程度? - 知乎
相关(Correlation,或称相关系数或关联系数),显示两个随机变量之间线性关系的强度和方向。在统计学中,相关的意义是用来衡量两个变量相对于其相互独立的距离。 所以当我们谈到相 …
量子化学中的电子交换能和相关能,能不能给一些通俗的类比,容 …
有交互重叠,有相关重叠,影响结果更显著的是前者。所以,不光依赖算符,基组的合理程度,也会影响exchange 和 correlation 。 用一句话来做一个总结,Exchange-Correlation描述的是电 …
机械革命电竞控制台在哪下载?太难找了?以16super为例展示如 …
Aug 20, 2023 · 哈喽大家好,我是爱玩儿家,在我的机械革命16super重新安装系统或者更换系统后,我找不到机械革命的电竞控制台在哪里下载,官网的对应机型页面也找不到,最后在官网搜 …
spss相关性分析,结果怎么解释? - 知乎
相关性分析是衡量两个变量因素的相关密切程度。在spss中能够得到person correlation 这个皮尔逊相关系数r。r的取值有以下几种情况。 (1)r>0时表示两变量正相关,r (2)r的绝对值>=0.8 …
谁能解释一下密度泛函理论(DFT)的基本假设和原理么? - 知乎
知乎,中文互联网高质量的问答社区和创作者聚集的原创内容平台,于 2011 年 1 月正式上线,以「让人们更好的分享知识、经验和见解,找到自己的解答」为品牌使命。知乎凭借认真、专业 …
covariance(协变)和 correlation(相关性)如何理解他们的区 …
Correlation 是在两组数据基础上的相对值,消除了数据组本身大小对相关性的影响(eliminate the effects of size),着重描述其相对的相关性,从而使不同规模的数据组之间具有可比性和对照性。 打个 …
如何理解皮尔逊相关系数(Pearson Correlation Coefficient)?
Pearson相关性系数(Pearson Correlation)是衡量向量相似度的一种方法。输出范围为-1到+1, 0代表无相关性,负值为负相关,正值为正相关。 输出范围为-1到+1, 0代表无相关性,负值为负相关,正值 …
相干性(coherence )和相关性(correlation) 有什么区别和联系?
总的来说,cross-correlation 和coherence的本质都是某两个随机变量的correlation coefficient,只是cross-correlation 的输入是时域(time domain)变量;coherence的输入是频域(frequency …
如何通俗易懂地解释「协方差」与「相关系数」的概念? - 知乎
Dec 6, 2015 · 翻译一下:就是用x、y的协方差除以x的标准差和y的标准差。 所以,相关系数也可以看成协方差:一种剔除了两个变量量纲影响、标准化后的特殊协方差。
pearson 和spearman的区别是什么? - 知乎
其实除了这两个相关性系数,现在我们在转录组的文章里,也可以看到Lin's concordance correlation coefficient,感兴趣的同学自己可以去查一下. 好了,先讲到这里,后面我们也会陆续发一些生信代 …
相关系数有什么意义,为什么说不能体现相关的程度? - 知乎
相关(Correlation,或称相关系数或关联系数),显示两个随机变量之间线性关系的强度和方向。在统计学中,相关的意义是用来衡量两个变量相对于其相互独立的距离。 所以当我们谈到相关,我们谈的 …
量子化学中的电子交换能和相关能,能不能给一些通俗的类比,容 …
有交互重叠,有相关重叠,影响结果更显著的是前者。所以,不光依赖算符,基组的合理程度,也会影响exchange 和 correlation 。 用一句话来做一个总结,Exchange-Correlation描述的是电子波函数在电 …
机械革命电竞控制台在哪下载?太难找了?以16super为例展示如 …
Aug 20, 2023 · 哈喽大家好,我是爱玩儿家,在我的机械革命16super重新安装系统或者更换系统后,我找不到机械革命的电竞控制台在哪里下载,官网的对应机型页面也找不到,最后在官网搜索栏搜索才 …
spss相关性分析,结果怎么解释? - 知乎
相关性分析是衡量两个变量因素的相关密切程度。在spss中能够得到person correlation 这个皮尔逊相关系数r。r的取值有以下几种情况。 (1)r>0时表示两变量正相关,r (2)r的绝对值>=0.8时,表示 …
谁能解释一下密度泛函理论(DFT)的基本假设和原理么? - 知乎
知乎,中文互联网高质量的问答社区和创作者聚集的原创内容平台,于 2011 年 1 月正式上线,以「让人们更好的分享知识、经验和见解,找到自己的解答」为品牌使命。知乎凭借认真、专业、友善的社区 …